Wednesday, December 12, 2018

1611 Women in Excerpts from Colony in Virginea Britannia. Lawes Divine, Morall & Martiall

The Virginia Company asked Sir Thomas Gates (1585-1621) to impose a strict set of regulations on the colony. Gates, who became governor of the colony in 1611, and Sir Thomas Dale (c 1560-1619), the marshal, wrote and enforced the laws. These laws were more like a business code of conduct intended to regulate the everyday activities of its members, employees, & servants, both men & women, working in Virginia between 1611-1624.
Sir Thomas Gates (1585-1621) 
1.  First since we owe our highest and supreme duty, our greatest, and all our allegeance to him, from whom all power and authoritie is derived, and flowes as from the first, and onely fountaine, and being especiall souldiers emprest in this sacred cause, we must along expect our successe from him, who is onely the blesser of all good attempts, the King of kings, the commaunder of commaunders, and Lord of Hostes, I do strictly commaund and charge all Captaines and Officers, of what qualitie or nature soever, whether commaunders in the field, or in towne, or townes, forts or fortresses, to have a care that the Almightie God bee duly and daily served, and that they call upon their people to heare Sermons, as that also they diligently frequent Morning and Evening praier themselves by their owne exemplar and daily life, and dutie herein, encouraging others thereunto, and that such, who shall often and wilfully absent themselves, be duly punished according to the martiall law in that case provided...

6.  Everie man and woman duly twice a day upon the first towling of the Bell shall upon the working daies repaire unto the Church, to hear divine Service upon pain of losing his or her dayes allowance for the first omission, for the second to be whipt, and for the third ot be condemned ot the Gallies for six Moneths. Likewise no man or woman shall daire to violate or breake the Sabboth by any gaming, publique, or private abroad, or at home, but duly sanctifie and observe the same, both himselfe and his familie, by preparing themselves at home with private prayer, that they may be the better fitted for the publique, according to the commandements of God, and the orders of our Church, as also every man and woman shall repaire in the morning to the divine service, and Sermons preached upon the Saboth day, and in the afternoon to divine service, and Catechsing, upon paine for the first fault to lose their provision, and allowance, and also to be whipt, and for the third to suffer death...
Sir Thomas Dale (c 1560-1619)
9.  No man shal commit the horrible, and detestable sins of Sodomie upon pain of death; and he or she that can be lawfully convict of Adultery shall be punished with death. No man shall ravish or force any woman, maid or Indian, or other, upon pain of death, and know the[e] that he or shee, that shall commit fornication, and evident proofe made thereof, for their first fault shall be whipt, for their second they shall be whipt, and for their third they shall be whipt three times a weeke for one month, and aske publique forgivenesse in the Assembly of the Congregation.

10.  No man shall be found guilty of Sacriledge, which is a Trespasse as well committed in violating and abusing any sacred ministry, duty or office of the Church, irreverently, or prophanely, as by beeing a Church robber, to filch, steale or carry away any thing out of the Church appertaining thereunto, or unto any holy, and consecrated place, to the divine Service of God, which no man should doe upon paine of death: likewise he that shall rob the store of any commodities therein, of what quality soever, whether provisions of victuals, or of Arms, Trucking stuffe [i.e., trading cloth], Apparrell, Linnen, or Wollen, Hose or Shooes, Hats or Caps, Instruments or Tooles of Steele, Iron, etc. or shall rob from his fellow souldier, or neighbour, any thing that is his, victuals, apparell, household stuffe, toole, or what necessary else soever, by water or land, out of boate, house, or knapsack, shall bee punished with death...
13.  No manner of Person whatsoever, contrarie to the word of God (which tyes every particular and private man, for conscience sake to obedience, and duty of the Magistrate, and such as shall be placed in authoritie of them[)], shall detract, slaunder, calumniate, murmur, mutenie, resist, disobey, or neglect the commaundments, either of the Lord Governour, and Captaine Generall, the Lieutenant Generall, the Martiall, the Councell, or any authorised Captaine, Commaunder or publike Officer, upon paine for the first time so offending to be whipt three severall times, and upon his knees to acknowledge his offence, with asking forgivenesse upon the Saboth day in the assembly of the congregation, and for the second time so offending to be condemned to the Gally for three yeares: and for the third time so offending to be punished with death...

19.  There shall be no Capttain, Master, Marriner, saylor, or any else of what quality or condition soever, belonging to any Ship or Ships, at this time remaining, or which shall hereafter arrive within this our River, bargaine, buy, truck, or trade with any one member in this Colony, man, woman, or child, for any toole or instrument of iron, steel or what else, whether appertaining to Smith Carpenter, Joyner, Shipwright, or any manuall occupation, or handicraft man whatsoever, resident within our Colonie, nor shall they buy or bargaine, for any apparell, linnen, or wollen, householdstuffe, bedde, bedding, sheete towels, napkins, brasse, pewter, or such like, eyther for ready money, or provisions, nor shall they exchange their provisions, of what quality soever, whether Butter, Cheese, Bisket, meal, Oatmele, Aquavite, oyle, Bacon, Apparell, or householdstuffe, at any time, or so long as they shall here remain, from the date of the presents upon paine of losse of their wages in England, confiscation and forfeiture of such their moneies and provisions, and upon peril beside of such corporall punishment as shall be inflicted upon them by verdict and censure of a martiall Court: Nor shall any officer, souldier, or Trades man, or any else of what sort soever, members of this Colony, dare to sell any such Toole, or instruments, necessary and usefull, for the businesse of the Colonie, or trucke, sell, exchange, or give away his apparell, or household stuffe of what sort soever, unto any such Seaman, either for mony, or any such foresaid provisions, upon paine of 3 times severall whipping, for the one offender, and the other upon perill of incurring censure, whether of disgrace, or addition of such punishment, as shall bee thought fit by a Court Martiall. 

20.  Whereas sometimes heeretofore the covetous and wide affections of some greedy and ill disposed Seamen, Saylers, and Marriners, laying hold upon the advanage of the present necessity, under which the Colony sometimes suffered, have sold unto our people, provisions of Meale, Oatmeale, Bisket, Butter, Cheese, etc., at unreasonable rates, and prises unconscionable: for avoiding the like to bee now put in practise, there shall be no Captain, Master, Marriner, or Saylor, or what Officer else belonging to any ship, or shippes, now within our river, or heereafter which shall arrive, shall dare to bargaine, exchange, barter, truck, trade, or sell, upon paine of death, unto any one Landman member of this present Colony, any provisions of what kind soever, above the determined valuations, and prises, set downe and proclaimed, and sent therefore unto each of your several ships, to bee fixed uppon your Maine mast, to the intent that want of due notice, and ignorance in this case, be no excuse, or plea, for any one offender herein...

23.  No man shall imbezell, lose, or willingly breake, or fraudulently make away, either Spade, Shovell, Hatchet, Axe, Mattocke, or other toole or instrument uppon paine of whipping.

24.  Any man that hath any edge toole, either of his owne, or which hath heeretofore beene belonging to the store, see that he bring it instantly to the storehouse, where he shall receive it againe by a particular note, both of the toole, and of his name taken, that such a toole unto him appertaineth, at whose hands, upon any necessary occasion, the said toole may be required, and this shall he do, upone paine of severe punishment.

31.  What man or woman soever, shall rob any garden, publike or private, being set to weed the same, or wilfully pluck up therein any roote, herbe, or flower, to spoile and wast or steale the same, or robbe any vineyard, or gather up the grapes, or steale any eares of the corne growing, wheter in the ground belonging to the same fort or towne where he dwelleth, or in any other, shall be punished with death...

All such Bakers are appointed to bake bread, or what else, either for the store to be given out in generall, or for any one in particular, shall not steale nor imbezel, loose, or defraud any man of his due and proper weight and measure, nor use any dishonest and deceiptfull tricke to make the bread weigh heavier, or make it courser upon purpose to keepe back any part or measure of the flower or meale committed unto him, nor aske, take, or detaine any one loafe more or lesse of r his hire or paines for so baking, since whilest he who delivered unto him such meale or flower, being to attend the businesse of the Colonie, such baker or bakers are imposed upon no other service or duties, but onely so to bake for such as do worke, and this shall hee take notice of, upon paine for the first time offending herein of losing his eares, and for the second time to be condemned a yeare to the Gallies, and for the third time offending, to be condemned to the Gallies for three yeares.

All such cookes as are appointed to seeth [i.e., boil], bake or dresse any manner of way, flesh, fish, or what else, of what kind soever, either for the general company, or for any private man, shall not make lesse, or cut away any part or parcel of such flesh, fish, etc. Nor detaine or demaund any part or parcell, as allowance or hire for his so dressing the same, since as aforesaid of the baker, hee or they such Cooke or Cookes, exempted from other publike works abroad, are to attend such seething and dressing fo such publike flesh, fish, or other provisions of what kinds soever, as their service and duties expected from them by the Colony, and this shall they take notice of, upon paine for the first time offending herein, of losing his eares, and for the second time to be condemned a yeare to the Gallies: and for the third time offending to be condemned to the Gallies for three yeares.

All fishermen, dressers of Sturgeon or such like appointed to fish, or to cure the said Sturgeon for the use of the Colonie, shall give a just and true account of al said fish as they shall take by day or night, of what kinde soever, the same to bring unto the Governour: As also of all suck kegges of Sturgeon or Caviare as they shall prepare and cure upon perill for the first time offending herein, of loosing his eares, and for the second time to be condemned a yeare to the Gallies, and for the third time offending, to be condemned to the Gallies for three yeares...

The Summarie of the Marshall Lawes

Thee are now further to understand, that all these prohibited, and forefended [i.e., forbidden] trespasses and misdemenors, with the injoyned observance of all these thus repeated, Civill and Politique Lawes, provided, and declared against what Crimes soever, whether against the divine Majesty of God, or our soveraigne, and Liege Lord, King James, the detestable crime of Sodomie, Incest, Blasphemie, Treason against the person of the principall Generals, and Commaunders of this Colonie, and their designs, against detracting, murmuring, calumniating, or slaundering of the Right Honourable the Councell resident in England, and the Committies there, the general Councell, and chiefe Commaunders heere, as also against intemperate raylings, worser sort, by the most impudent, ignorant, and prophane, such as have neither touch of humanitie, nor of conscience amongst ourselves against Adultery, Fornication, Rape, Murther, Theft, false witnessing in any cause, and other the rest of the Civill, and Politique Lawes and Orders, necesarily appertaining, and properly belinging to the Government of the State and Condition of the present Coloby, as it now subsisteth: I say thee are to know, that all these thus joyned, with their due punishments, and perils heere declared, and published, are no lesse subject to the Martiall law, then unto the Civill Magistrate and where the Alarum, Tumult, and practise of arms, are not excercised, and where these now following Lawes, appertaining only to Martiall discipline, are diligently to be observed, and shall be severely executed.

1.  No man shall willingly absent himself, when hee is summoned to take the oath of Supremacy, upon paine of death.

2.  Every Souldier comming into this Colonie, shall willingly take his oath to serve the Kind and the Colonie, and to be faithfull, and obedient to such Officers, and Commaunders, as shall be appointed over him, during the time of his aboad therein, according to the Tenor of the oath in that case provided, upon paine of being committed to the Gallies.

3.  If any Souldier, of what maner of man else soever, of what quality of condition soever he be, shal tacitely compact, with any Sea-man, Captain, Master, or Marriner, to convay himselfe a Board any shippe, with intent to depart from, and abandon the Colony, without a lawful Passe from the Generall, or chiefe commander of the Colonie, at that time, and shall happen to bee prevented, and taken therwith, before the shippe shall depart out of our Bay, that Captaine, Maister or mariner, that shall so receive him, shall lose his wages, and be condemned to the Gallies for three yeeres, and he the sworne servant of the Colony, Souldier, or what else, shall bee put to death with the Armes which he carrieth.

4.  When any select, and appointed Forces, for the execution and performance of any intended service, shall be drawne into the field, and shall dislodge from one place unto another, that Souldier that shall quit or forsake his Colors, shall be punished with death.

Tuesday, December 11, 2018

Robert Beverley History of Virginia 1705 - Indians (Men & Women) & their Dress

The History and Present State of Virginia, in Four Parts published originally in London in 1705.  
Book III Of the Indians, their Religion, Laws, and Customs, in War and Peace
Chapter I. OF THE INDIANS AND THEIR DRESS.

§ 1. The Indians are of the middling and largest stature of the English. They are straight and well proportioned, having the cleanest and most exact limbs in the world. They are so perfect in their outward frame, that I never heard of one single Indian that was either dwarfish, crooked, bandy-legged, or otherwise misshapen. But if they have any such practice among them as the Romans had, of exposing such children till they died, as were weak and misshapen at their birth, they are very shy of confessing it, and I could never yet learn that they had.

Their color, when they are grown up, is a chestnut brown and tawny; but much clearer in their infancy. Their skin comes afterwards to harden and grow blacker by greasing and sunning themselves. They have generally coal black hair, and very black eyes, which are most commonly graced with that sort of squint which many of the Jews are observed to have. Their women are generally beautiful, possessing shape and features agreeable enough, and wanting no charm but that of education and a fair complexion.
Indian man in his summer dress
§ 2. The men wear their hair cut after several fanciful fashions, sometimes greased, and sometimes painted. The great men, or better sort, preserve a long lock behind for distinction. They pull their beards up by the roots with musselshells, and both men and women do the same by the other parts of their body for cleanliness sake. The women wear the hair of the head very long, either hanging at their backs, or brought before in a single lock, bound up with a fillet of peak, or beads; sometimes also they wear it neatly tied up in a knot behind. It is commonly greased, and shining black, but never painted.

The people of condition, of both sexes, wear a sort of coronets on their heads, from four to six inches broad, open at the top, and composed of peak, or beads, or else of both interwoven together, and worked into figures, made by a nice mixture of the colors. Sometimes they wear a wreath of died furs, as likewise bracelets on their necks and arms. The common people go bareheaded, only sticking large shining feathers about their heads, as their fancies lead them.

§ 3. Their clothes are a large mantle, carelessly wrapped about their bodies, and sometimes girt close in the middle with a girdle. The upper part of this mantle is drawn close upon the shoulders, and the other hangs below their knees. When that's thrown off, they have only for modesty sake a piece of cloth, or a small skin tied round their waist, which reaches down to the middle of the thigh. The common sort tie only a string round their middle, and pass a piece of cloth or skin round between their thighs, which they turn at each end over the string.

Their shoes, when they wear any, are made of an entire piece of buckskin, except when they sew a piece to the bottom to thicken the sole. They are fastened on with running strings, the skin being drawn together like a purse on the top of the foot, and tied round the ankle. The Indian name of this kind of shoe is, moccasin.

But because a draught of these things will inform the reader more at first view than a description in many words, I shall present him with the following prints drawn by the life.

Tab. II. is an Indian man in his summer dress. The upper part of his hair is cut short to make a ridge, which stands up like the comb of a cock, the rest is either shorn off, or knotted behind his ear. On his head are stuck three feathers of the wild turkey, pheasant, hawk, or such like. At his ear is hung a fine shell with pearl drops. At his breast is a tablet, or fine shell, smooth as polished marble, which sometimes also hath etched on it a star, half moon, or other figure, according to the maker's fancy. Upon his neck and wrists hang strings of beads, peak and roenoke. His apron is made of a deer skin, gashed round the edges, which hang like tassels or fringe; at the upper end of the fringe is' an edging of peak, to make it finer. His quiver is of a thin bark; but sometimes they make it of the skin of a fox, or young wolf, with the head hanging to it, which has a wild sort of terror in it; and to make it yet more warlike, they tie it on with the tail of a panther, buffalo, or such like, letting the end hang down between their legs. The pricked lines on his shoulders, breast and legs, represent the figures painted thereon. In his left hand he holds a bow, and in his right an arrow. The mark upon his shoulderblade is a distinction used by the Indians in traveling, to show the nation they are of; and perhaps is the same with that which Baron Lahontan calls the arms and heraldry of the Indians. Thus the several lettered marks are used by several other nations about Virginia, when they make a journey to their friends and allies.The landscape is a natural representation of an Indian field.
Tab. Ill is two Indian men in their winter dress. Seldom any but the elder people wore the winter cloaks (which they call match-coats) till they got a supply of European goods; and now most have them of one sort or other in the cold winter weather. Fig. 1 wears the proper Indian match-coat, which is made of skins, dressed with the fur on, sewed together, and worn with the fur inwards, having the edges also gashed for beauty's sake. On his feet are moccasins. By him stand some Indian cabins on the banks of the river. Fig. 2 wears the Duffield match-coat bought of the English; on his head is^a coronet of peak, on his legs are stockings made of Duffields: that is, they take a length to reach from the ankle to the knee, so broad as to wrap round the leg; this they sew together, letting the edges stand out at an inch beyond the seam. When this is on, they garter below knee, and fasten the lower end in the moccasin.

§4.1 don't find that the Indians have any other distinction in their dress, or the fashion of their hair, than only what a greater degree of riches enables them to make, except it be their religious persons, who are known by the particular cut of the hair and the unusual figure of their garments; as our clergy are distinguished by their canonical habit.

The habit of the Indian priest is a cloak made in the form of a woman's petticoat; but instead of tieing it about their middle, they fasten the gatherings about their neck and tie it upon the right shoulder, always keeping one arm out to use upon occasion. This cloak hangs even at the bottom, but reaches no lower than the middle of the thigh; but what is most particular in it is, that it is constantly made of a skin dressed soft, with the pelt or fur on the outside, and reversed ; insomuch, that when the cloak has been a little worn the hair falls down in flakes, and looks very shagged and frightful.
The cut of their hair is likewise peculiar to their function; for 'tis all shaven close except a thin crest, like a cock's comb, which stands bristling up, and runs in a semicircle from the forehead up along the crown to the nape of the neck. They likewise have a border of hair over the forehead, which by its own natural strength, and by the stiffening it receives from grease and paint, will stand out like the peak of a bonnet.
Tab. IV. Is a priest and a conjurer in their proper habits. The priest's habit is sufficiently described above. The conjurer shaves all his hair off, except the crest on the crown; upon his ear he wears the skin of some dark colored bird ; he, as well as the priest, is commonly grimed with soot or the like; to save his modesty he bangs an otter skin at his girdle, fastening the tail between his legs; upon his thigh hangs his pocket, which is fastened by tucking it under his girdle, the bottom of this is likewise fringed with tassels for ornament sake. In the middle between them is the Huskanawpen spoken of §32.

§5. The dress of the women is little different from that of the men, except in the tieing of their hair. The women of distinction wear deep necklaces, pendants and bracelets, made of small cylinders of the conch shell, which they call peak: they likewise keep their skin clean and shining with oil, while the men are commonly bedaubed all over with paint.

They are remarkable for having small round breasts, and so firm, that they are hardly ever observed to hang down, even in old women. They commonly go naked as far as the navel downward, and upward to the middle of the thigh, by which means they have the advantage of discovering their fine limbs and complete shape.
Tab. V. Is a couple of young women. The first wearing a coronet, necklace and bracelet of peak; the second a wreath of furs on her head, and her hair is bound with a fillet of peak and beads. Between the two is a woman under a tree making a basket of silk grass after their own manner.

Tab. VI. Is a woman and a boy running after her. One of her hands rests in her necklace of peak, and the other holds a gourd, in which they put water or other liquid.  
The boy wears a necklace of runtees, in his right hand is an Indian rattle, and in his left a roasting ear of corn. Round his waist is a small string, and another brought cross through his crotch, and for decency a soft skin is fastened before. Runtees are made of the conch shell as the peak is, only the shape is flat and round like a cheese, and drilled edge ways.

Monday, December 10, 2018

16C Europeans Imagine American Women

Pieter Nagel, a DAmerica, Your Gold and Silver Fill My People, print from Pieter Nagel`s engraving after Gerard van Groeningen, ca. 1570−1590.  Pieter Nagel, a Dutch artist active in 1569−1604, made this engraving after Gerard van Groeningen, a Flemish artist who worked in Antwerp in 1563−73. This is an allegory of the American continents as a naked lady armed with a bow and an arrow, triumphantly riding in her royal chariot. Its wheels are inscribed with Bresilia, Resilia, Hispaniola, Cvba, Perv after South America colonized by Europeans: Brazil, Hispaniola, where Christopher Columbus first landed on December 5, 1492, Cuba, and Peru.

Sunday, December 9, 2018

16C Europeans Imagine American Women

Some suggest Hieronymus Bosch's (c. 1450−1516) birds, animals, plants, and nude human beings in this segment of The Garden of Earthly Delights might be inspired by the early images brought back to Europe by the early travelers to America newly opened by the Spanish at that time. This work was done about 1500. Too much speculation for me.

Saturday, December 8, 2018

Governor William Bradford on Men & Women Coming to the Plymouth Colony 1620-1647


William Bradford's Of Plymouth Plantation: 1620-1647

This hypertext version provides limited excerpts of Chapters 1, 2, 4 and 9 from Bradford's text. This electronic text was prepared by Courtney Danforth in September, 1997, for the Xroads Project of the American Studies Department at the University of Virginia. These hypertext excerpts are based on William Bradford's Of Plymouth Plantation: 1620-1647, published by the Modern Library, New York, 1981. Additional hypertext chapters from this text are available on Caleb Johnson's Mayflower site.

Chapters One, Two, Four, & Nine
Of Plymouth Plantation
by William Bradford

And first of the occasion & inducements "hereunto; the which, that I may truly unfold, I must begin at the very root & rise of the same. The which I shall endeavour to manifest in a plain style, with singular regard unto the simple truth in all things; at least as near as my slender judgment can attain the same.

Chapter I

[THE SEPARATIST INTERPRETATION OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND, 1550-1607]


It is well known unto the godly & judicious, how ever since the first breaking out of the light of the gospel in our honourable nation of England, (which was the first of nations whom the Lord adorned therewith after the gross darkness of popery which had covered & overspread the Christian world), what wars & oppositions ever since, Satan hath raised, maintained & continued against the Saints, 1 from time to time, in one sort or other. Sometimes by bloody death & cruel torments; other whiles imprisonments, banishments & other hard usages; as being loath his kingdom should go down, the truth prevail & the churches of God revert to their ancient purity & recover their primitive order, liberty & beauty.


But when he could not prevail by these means against the main truths of the gospel, but that they began to take rooting in many places, being watered with the blood of the martyrs & blessed from Heaven with a gracious increase; he then began to take him to his ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians. That when by the bloody & barbarous persecutions of the heathen emperors he could not stop & subvert the course of the gospel, but that it speedily overspread, with a wonderful celerity, the then best known parts of the world; he then began to sow errours, heresies & wonderful dissensions amongst the professors 2 themselves, working upon their pride & ambition, with other corrupt passions incident to all mortal men, yea to the saints themselves in some measure, by which woeful effects followed. As not only bitter contentions & heartburnings, schisms, with other horrible confusions; but Satan took occasion & advantage thereby to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many unprofitable canons & decrees, which have since been as snares to many poor & peaceable souls even to this day.


So as in the ancient times, the persecutions by the heathen & their emperors was not greater than of the Christians one against other:-the Arians & other their complices against the orthodox & true Christians. As witnesseth Socrates in his second book. 3 His words are these:


The violence truly (saith he) was no less than that of old practiced towards the Christians when they were compelled & drawn to sacrifice to idols; for many endured sundry kinds of torment often rackings & dismembering of their joints, confiscating of their goods; some bereaved of their native soil, others departed this life under the hands of the tormentor, & some died in banishment & never saw their country again, etc.


The like method Satan hath seemed to hold in these later times, since the truth began to spring & spread after the great defection made by Antichrist, that man of sin. 4


For to let pass the infinite examples in sundry nations & several places of the world, & instance in our own, when as that old serpent could not prevail by those fiery flames & other his cruel tragedies, which he by his instruments put in ure 5 everywhere in the days of Queen Mary & before, he then began another kind of war & went more closely to work; not only to oppugn but even to ruinate & destroy the kingdom of Christ by more secret & subtle means, by kindling the flames of contention & sowing the seeds of discord & bitter enmity amongst the professors &, seeming reformed, themselves. For when he could not prevail by the former means against the principal doctrines of faith, he bent his force against the holy discipline & outward regiment of the kingdom of Christ, by which those holy doctrines should be conserved, & true piety maintained amongst the saints & people of God.


Mr. Fox 6 recordeth how that besides those worthy martyrs & confessors which were burned in Queen Mary's days & otherwise tormented, "Many (both students & others) fled out of the land to the number of 800, & became several congregations, at Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Markpurge, Strasburg & Geneva, etc." Amongst whom (but especially those at Frankfort) began that bitter war of contention & persecution about the ceremonies & service book, & other popish & antichristian stuff, the plague of England to this day, which are like the high places in Israel which the prophets cried out against, & were their ruin. Which the better part sought, according to the purity of the gospel, to root out & utterly to abandon. And the other part (under veiled presences) for their own ends & advancements sought as stiffly to continue, maintain & defend. As appeareth by the discourse thereof published in print, anno 1575; a book that deserves better to be known & considered. 7


The one side laboured to have the right worship of God & discipline of Christ established in the-church, according to the simplicity of the gospel, without the mixture of men's inventions; & to have & to be ruled by the laws of God's Word, dispensed in those offices, & by those officers of Pastors, Teachers & Elders, etc. according to the Scriptures. The other party, though under many colours & presences, endeavoured to have the episcopal dignity (after the popish manner) with their large power & jurisdiction still retained; with all those courts, canons & ceremonies, together with all such livings, revenues & subordinate officers, with other such means as formerly upheld their antichristian greatness & enabled them with lordly & tyrannous power to persecute the poor servants of God. This contention was so great, as neither the honour of God, the common persecution, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies of the Lord in those places, could prevail with those thus episcopally minded; but they proceeded by all means to disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church, even so far as to charge (very unjustly & ungodlily yet prelatelike) some of their chief opposers with rebellion & high treason against thc Emperor, & other such crimes.


And this contention died not with Queen Mary, nor was left beyond the seas. But at her death these people returning into England under gracious Queen Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to bishoprics & other promotions according to their aims & desires, that inveterate hatred against the holy discipline of Christ in His church 8 hath continued to this day. Insomuch that for fear it should prevail, all plots & devices have been used to keep it out incensing the Queen & State against it as dangerous for thc commonwealth; & that it was most needful that thc fundamental points of religion should be preached in those ignorant & superstitious times. And to win the weak & ignorant they might retain divers harmless ceremonies, & though it were to be wished that divers things were reformed, yet this was not a season for it. And many the like to stop the mouths of the more godly, to bring them on to yield to one ceremony after another, & one corruption after another; by these wiles beguiling some & corrupting others till at length they began to persecute all the zealous professors in the land (though they knew little what this discipline meant) both by word arid deed, if they would not submit to their ceremonies & become slaves to them & their popish trash, which have no ground in the Word of God, but are relics of that man of sin. And the more the light of the gospel grew, the more they urged their subscriptions to these corruptions. So as (notwithstanding all their former presences & fair colours) they whose eyes God had not justly blinded might easily see whereto these things tended. And to cast contempt the more upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously & most injuriously gave unto & imposed upon them that name of Puritans, which is said the Novatians out of pride did assume & take unto themselves. 9 And lamentable it is to see the effects which have followed. Religion hath been disgraced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, & many exiled; sundry have lost their lives in prisons & other ways. On the other hand, sin hath been countenanced; ignorance, profaneness & atheism increased, & the papists encouraged to hope again for a day. 10


This made that holy man Mr. Perkins cry out in 11 his exhortation to repentance, upon Zephaniah ii:


Religion (saith he) hath been amongst us this thirty-five years; but the more it is published, the more it is contemned & reproached of many, etc. Thus not profaneness nor wickedness but religion itself is a byword, a mockingstock, & a matter of reproach; so that in England at this day the man or woman that begins to profess religion & to serve God, must resolve with himself to sustain mocks & injuries even as though he lived amongst the enemies of religion.


And this, common experience hath confirmed & made too apparent. But that I may come more near my intendment.


When as by the travail & diligence of some godly & zealous preachers, & God's blessing on their labours, as in other places of the land, so in the North parts, many became enlightened by the Word of God & had their ignorance & sins discovered unto them, & began by His grace to reform their lives & make conscience of their was, the work of God was no sooner manifest in them but presently they were both scoffed & scorned by the profane multitude; & the ministers urged with the yoke of subscription, or else must be silenced. And the poor people were so vexed with apparitors & pursuivants 12 & the commissary courts, as truly their affliction was not small. Which, notwithstanding, they bore sundry years with much patience, till they were occasioned by the continuance & increase of these troubles, & other means which the Lord raised up in those days, to see further into things by the light of the Word of God. How not only these base & beggarly ceremonies were unlawful, but also that the lordly & tyrannous power of the prelates ought not to be submitted unto; which thus, contrary to the freedom of the gospel, would load & burden men's consciences & by their compulsive power make a profane mixture of persons & things in the worship of God. And that their offices & callings, courts & canons, etc. were unlawful & antichristian: being such as have no warrant in the Word of God, but the same that were used in popery & still retained. Of which a famous author thus writeth in his Dutch commentaries, 13 at the coming of King James into England:


The new king (saith he) found there established the reformed religion according to the reformed religion of King Edward VI, retaining or keeping still the spiritual state of the bishops, etc. after the old manner, much varying & differing from the reformed churches in Scotland, France & the Netherlands, Ernden, Geneva, etc., whose reformation is cut, or shapen much nearer the first Christian churches, as it was used in the Apostles' time.


So many, therefore, of these professors as saw the evil of these things in these parts, & whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for His truth, they shook off this yoke of antichristian bondage, & as the Lord's free people joined themselves (by a covenant of the Lord) into a church estate, in the fellowship of the gospel, to walk in all His ways made known, or to be made known unto them, according to their best endeavours, whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assisting them. 14 And that it cost them something this ensuing history will declare.


These people became two distinct bodies or churches, & in regard of distance of place did congregate severally; for they were of sundry towns & villages, some in Nottinghamshire, some of Lincolnshire, & some of Yorkshire where they border nearest together. In one of these churches (besides others of note) was Mr. John Smith, 15 a man of able gifts & a good preacher, who afterwards was chosen their pastor. But these afterwards falling into some errours in the Low Countries, there (for the most part) buried themselves & their names.


But in this other church (which must be the subject of our discourse) beside" other worthy men, was Mr. Richard Clyfton, a grave & reverend preacher, who by his pains & diligence had done much good, & under God had been a means of the conversion of many. And also that famous & worthy man Mr. John Robinson, who afterwards was their pastor for many years, till the Lord took him away by death. Also Mr. William Brewster a reverend man, who afterwards was chosen an elder of the church & lived with them till old age. 16


But after these things they could not bug continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted & persecuted on every side, so as their former afflictions were but as fleabitings in comparison of these which now came upon them. For some were taken & clapped up in prison, others had their houses beset & watched night & day, & hardly escaped their hands; & the most were fain to flee & leave their houses & habitations, & the means of their livelihood.


Yet these & many other sharper things which afterward befell them, were no other than they looked for, & therefore were the better prepared to bear them by the assistance of God's grace & Spirit.


Yet seeing themselves thus molested, & that there was no hope of their continuance there, by a joint consent they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was freedom of religion for all men; as also how sundry from London & other parts of the land had been exiled & persecuted for the same cause, & were gone thither, & lived at Amsterdam & in other places of the land. So after they had continued together about a year, & kept their meetings every Sabbath in one place or other, exercising the worship of God amongst themselves, notwithstanding all the diligence & malice of their adversaries, they seeing they could no longer continue in that condition, they resolved to get over into Holland as they could. Which was in the year 1607 & 1608; of which more at large in the next chapter.


1. Bradford uses the word Saint in the Biblical sense, as one of God's chosen people, or a church member. not one of those canonized by the Roman Catholic Church.

2. Professor, as used by Bradford & by Puritans generally, had no educational connotation; it merely meant one who professed Christianity.


3. Socrates Scholasticus, Greek historian of the 5th century A.D> His Ecclesiastical History translated by Meredith Hanmer was printed in London in 1577. Bradford's quotation is from lib. ii chap. 22.


4. 2 Thessalonians ii.3.


5. i.e., into practice.


6. Acts & Mon{uments]: pag. 1587 edition 2 Bradford) His reference is to John Fox Acts & Monuments (familiarly known as the Book of Martyrs) p. 1587 of 2nd edition.


7. William Whittingham Brieff Discours of the Troublcs begonne at Franckford, printed at Zurich or Geneva in 1575. The row was between the Marian exiles who wished to abolish "service books" altogether (which Bradford & the entire left wing of English Protestantism believed should have been done), & those who adopted the typically English compromise of a Book of Common Prayer. The Marian exiles, or some of them, wished to reorganize the church on congregational principles which they believed alone to be sanctioned by the New Testament.


8. Bradford means the Congregational discipline. His account of church history during Elizabeth's reign is of course a partisan one, unfair to the acts & the motives of everyone not in the left wing of Protestantism.


9. Eusebius lib. vi chap. 42 (Bradford). The Novatians were an obscure sect of the 3rd century.


10. On the blank page [4 V. ] opposite. Bradford in 1646 added what he called A late observation. as it were by the way, to be noted.


11. William ("Painful") Perkins, a graduate of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, whose works were much esteemed by all branches of Puritans. The quotation is from his Exposition of Christ's Sermon Upon the Mount (1618) p. 421.


12. 0fficers of the Church of England whose duty was to enforce conformity.


13. Emanuel van Meteren General History of the Netherlands (London 1608) xxv 119. Bradford's reference, to which he adds this remark: "The reformed churches shapen much near[er] the primitive pattern than England, for they cashiered the Bishops with all their courts, canons, & ceremonies, at the first; & left them amongst the popish tr[ash] to which they per[tained]."


14. A paraphrase of the words of thc covenant that people made when they formed a separatist (later called Congregational) church.


15. An alumnus of Christ's College, Cambridge, who seceded from the Church of England in 1605 & preached to the separatist church at Gainsborough. This congregation emigrated in 1608 to Amsterdam, where Smith embraced a number of strange opinions & his church broke up.


16. Richard Clyfton & John Robinson also were Cambridge alumni in holy orders who separated. Clyfton & William Brewster organized thc separatist congregation at Scrooby, Nottinghamshire, which Bradford pined as a young man. The sentence on Brewster is written in a different ink from the rest of the chapter, having been inserted after thc Elder's death in 1643.


Chapter II

OF THEIR DEPARTURE INTO HOLLAND AND THEIR TROUBLES THEREABOUT,


WITH SOME OF THE MANY DIFFICULTIES THEY FOUND AND MET WITHAL. ANNO 1608


Being thus constrained to leave their native soil & country, their lands & livings, & all their friends & familiar acquaintance, it was much; & thought marvellous by many. But to go into a country they knew not but by hearsay, where they must learn a new language & get their livings they knew not how, it being a dear place & subject to the miseries of war, it was by many thought an adventure almost desperate; a case intolerable & a misery worse than death. Especially seeing they were not acquainted with trades nor traffic (by which that country cloth subsist) but had only been used to a plain country life & the innocent trade of husbandry. But these things did not dismay them, though they did sometimes trouble them; for their desires were set on the ways of God & to enjoy His ordinances; but they rested on His providence, & knew Whom they had believed. Yet this was not all, for though they could not stay, yet were they not suffered to go; but the ports & havens were shut against them, so as they were fain to seek secret means of conveyance, & to bribe & fee the mariners, & give extraordinary rates for their passages. 1 And yet were they often times betrayed, many of them; & both they & their goods intercepted & surprised, & thereby put to great trouble & charge, of which I will give an instance or two & omit the rest.


There was a large company of them purposed to get passage at Boston in Lincolnshire, & for that end had hired a ship wholly to themselves & made agreement with the master to be ready at a certain day, & take them & their goods in at a convenient place, where they accordingly would all attend in readiness. So after long waiting & large expenses, though he kept not day with them, yet he came at length & took them in, in the night. But when he had them & their goods abroad, he betrayed them, having before hand complotted with the searchers & other officers to do; who took them, & put them into open boats, & there rifled & ransacked them, searching to their shirts for money, yea even the women further than became modesty; & then carried them back into the town & made them a spectacle & wonder to the multitude which came flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus first, by these catchpoll officers rifled & stripped of their money; books & much other goods, they were presented to the magistrates, & messengers sent to inform the Lords of the Council of them; & so they were committed to ward. Indeed the magistrates used them courteously & showed them what favour they could; but could not deliver them till order came from the Council table. But the issue was that after a month's imprisonment the greatest part were dismissed & sent to the places from whence they came; but seven of the principal were still kept in prison & bound over to the assizes.


The next spring 2 after, there was another attempt made by some of these & others to get over at another place. And it so fell out that they light of 3 a Dutchman at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging to Zealand. They made agreement with him, & acquainted him with their condition, hoping to find more faithfulness in him than in the former of their own nation; he bade them not fear, for he would do well enough. He was by appointment to take them in between Grimsby & Hull, where was a large common a good way distant from any town. Now against the prefixed time, the women & children with the goods were sent to the place in a small bark which they had hired for that end; & the men were to meet them by land. But it so fell out that they were there a day before the ship came, & the sea being rough & the women very sick, prevailed with the seamen to put into a creek hard by where they lay on ground at low water. The next morning the ship came but they were fast & could not stir until about noon. In the meantime, the shipmaster, perceiving how the matter was, sent his boat to be getting the men aboard whom he saw ready, walking about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard & she was ready to go for more, the master espied a great company, both horse & foot, with bills & guns & other weapons, for the country was raised to take them. The Dutchman, seeing that, swore his country's oath sacremente, & having the wind fair, weighed his anchor, hoised sails, & away.


But the poor men which were got aboard were in great distress for their wives & children which they saw thus to be taken, & were left destitute of their helps; & themselves also, not having a cloth to shift them with, more than they had on their backs, & some scarce a penny about them, all they had being aboard the bark. It drew tears from their eyes, & anything they had they would have given to have been ashore again; but all in vain, there was no remedy, they must thus sadly part. And afterward endured a fearful storm at sea, being fourteen days or more before they arrived at their port; in seven whereof they neither saw sun, moon nor stars, & were driven near the coast of Norway; the mariners themselves often despairing of life, & once with shrieks & cries gave over all, as if the ship had been foundered in the sea & they sinking without recovery. But when man's hope & help wholly failed, the Lord's power & mercy appeared in their recovery; for the ship rose again & gave the mariners courage again to manage her. And if modesty would suffer me, I might declare with what fervent prayers they cried unto the Lord in this great distress (especially some of them) even without any great distraction. When the water ran into their mouths & ears & the mariners cried out, "We sink, we sink!" they cried (if not with miraculous, yet with a great height or degree of divine faith), "Yet Lord Thou canst save! Yet Lord Thou canst save!" with such other expressions as I will forbear. Upon which the ship did not only recover, but shortly after the violence of the storm began to abate, & the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such comforts as everyone cannot understand, & in the end brought them to their desired haven, where the people came flocking, admiring their deliverance; the storm having been so long & sore, in which much hurt had been done, as the master's friends related unto him in their congratulations.


But to return to the others where we left. The rest of the men that were in greatest danger made shift to escape away before the troop could surprise them, those only staying that best might be assistant unto the women. But pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these poor women in this distress; what weeping & crying on every side, some for their husbands 'lhat were carried away in the ship as is before related; others not knowing what should become of them & their little ones; others again melted in tears, seeing their poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear & quaking with cold. Being thus apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another & from one justice to another, till in the end they knew not what to do with them; for to imprison so many women & innocent children for no other cause (many of them) but that they must go with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable & all would cry out of them. And to send them home again was as difficult; for they alleged, as the truth was, they had no homes to go to, for they had either sold or otherwise disposed of their houses & livings. To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled a good while & conveyed from one constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them in the end upon any terms, for all were wearied & tired with them. Though in the meantime they (poor souls) endured misery enough; & thus in the end necessity forced a way for them.


But that I be not tedious in these things, I will omit the rest, though I might relate many other notable passages & troubles which they endured & underwent in these their wanderings & travels both at land & sea; but I haste to other things. Yet I may not omit the fruit that came hereby, for by these so public troubles in so many eminent places their cause became famous & occasioned many to look into the same, & their godly carriage & Christian behaviour was such as left a deep impression in the minds of many. And though some few shrunk at these first conflicts & sharp beginnings (as it was no marvel) yet many more came on with fresh courage & greatly animated others. And in the end, notwithstanding all these storms of opposition, they all get over at length, some at one time & some at another, & some in one place & some in another, & met together again according to their desires, with no small rejoicing. 4


1. In England, as in other European nations at the time, a license was required to go abroad, & such licenses were commonly refused to Roman Catholics & dissenters. This first attempt of the Scrooby congregation to flee was in the fall of 1607.


2. Of 1608.


3. Happened upon.


4. About 125 members of the Scrooby congregation "get over" to Amsterdam, including the two ministers Clyfton & Robinson, William Brewster & Bradford himself.


Chapter IV

SHOWING THE REASONS AND CAUSES OF THEIR REMOVAL


After they had lived in this city about some eleven or twelve years (which is the more observable being the whole time of that famous truce between that state & the Spaniards) 1 & sundry of them were taken away by death & many others began to be well stricken in years (the grave mistress of Experience having taught them many things), those prudent governors with sundry of the sagest members began both deeply to apprehend their present dangers & wisely to foresee the future & think of timely remedy. In the agitation of their thoughts, & much discourse of things hereabout, at length they began to incline to this conclusion of removal to some other place. Not out of any newfangledness or other such like giddy humor by which men are oftentimes transported to their great hurt & danger, but for sundry weighty & solid reasons, some of the chief of which I will here briefly touch.


And first, they saw & found by experience the hardness of the place & country to be such as few in comparison would come to them, & fewer that would bide it out & continue with them. For many that came to them, & many more that desired to be with them, could not endure that great labour & hard fare, with other inconveniences which they underwent & were contented with. But though they loved their persons, approved their cause & honoured their sufferings, yet they left them as it were weeping, as Orpah did her mother-in-law Naomi, 2 or as those Romans did Cato in Utica who desired to be excused & borne with, though they could not all be Catos. For many, though they desired to enjoy the ordinances of God in their purity & the liberty of the gospel with them, yet (alas) they admitted of bondage with danger of conscience, rather than to endure these hardships. Yea, some preferred & chose the prisons in England rather than this liberty in Holland with these afflictions. 3 But it was thought that if a better & easier place of living could be had, it would draw many & take away these discouragements. Yea, their pastor would often say that many of those who both wrote & preached now against them, if they were in a place where they might have liberty & live comfortably, they would then practice as they did.


Secondly. They saw that though the people generally bore all these difficulties very cheerfully & with a resolute courage, being in the best & strength of their years; yet old age began to steal on many of them; & their great & continual labours, with other crosses & sorrows, hastened it before the time. So as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sink under their burdens, or both. And therefore according to the divine proverb, that a wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, & hideth himself, Proverbs xxii.3, so they like skillful & beaten soldiers were fearful either to be entrapped or surrounded by their enemies so as they should neither be able to fight nor fly. And therefore thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage & less danger, if any such could be found.


Thirdly. As necessity was a taskmaster over them so they were forced to be such, not only to their servants but in a sort to their dearest children, the which as it did not a little wound the tender hearts of many a loving father & mother, so it produced likewise sundry sad & sorrowful effects. For many of their children that were of best dispositions & gracious inclinations, having learned 4 to bear the yoke in their youth & willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were oftentimes so oppressed with their heavy labours that though their minds were free & willing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, & became decrepit in their early youth, the vigour of nature being consumed in the very bud as it were. But that which was more lamentable, & of all sorrows most heavy to be borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions & the great licentiousness of youth in that country,5 & the manifold temptations of the place, were drawn away by evil examples into extravagant & dangerous courses, getting the reins off their necks & departing from their parents. Some became soldiers, others took upon them far voyages by sea, & others some worse courses tending to dissoluteness & the danger of their souls, to the great grief of their parents & dishonour of God. So that they saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate & be corrupted. 6


Lastly (& which was not least), a great hope & inward zeal they had of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way "hereunto, for the propagating & advancing the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even as stepping-stones unto others for the performing of so great a work.


These & some other like reasons moved them to undertake this resolution of their removal; the which they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequel will appear.


The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast & unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful & fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, where there are only savage & brutish men which range up & down, little otherwise than the wild beasts of the same. This proposition being made public & coming to the scanning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men & caused many fears & doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons & hopes conceived, laboured to stir up & encourage the rest to undertake & prosecute the same; others again, out of their fears, objected against it & sought to divert from it; alleging many things, & those neither unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it was a great design & subject to many unconceivable perils & dangers; as, besides the casualties of the sea (which none can be freed from), the length of the voyage was such as the weak bodies of women & other persons worn out with age & travail (as many of them were) could never be able to endure And yet if they should, the miseries of the land which they should be exposed unto, would be too hard to be borne & likely, some or all of them together, to consume & utterly to ruinate them. For there they should be liable to famine & nakedness & the want, in a manner, of all things. The change of air, diet & drinking of water would infect their bodies with sore sicknesses & grievous diseases. And also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties should yet be in continual danger of the savage people, who are cruel, barbarous & most treacherous, being most furious in their rage & merciless where they overcome; not being content only to kill & take away life, but delight to torment men in the most bloody manner that may be; flaying some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting off the members & joints of others by piecemeal & broiling on the coals, eat the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live, with other cruelties horrible to be related.


And surely it could not be thought but the very hearing of these things could not but move the very bowels of men to grate within them & make the weak to quake & tremble. It was further objected that it would require greater sums of money to furnish such a voyage & to fit them with necessaries, than their consumed estates would amount to & yet they must as well look to be seconded with supplies as presently to be transported. Also many precedents of ill success & lamentable miseries befallen others in the like designs were easy to be found, & not forgotten to be alleged; besides their own experience, in their former troubles & hardships in their removal into Holland, & how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange place, though it was a neighbour country & a civil & rich commonwealth.


lt was answered that all great & honourable actions are accompanied with great difficulties & must be both enterprised & overcome with answerable courages. It was granted the dangers were great, but not desperate. The difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though there were many of them likely, yet they were not certain. It might be sundry of the things feared might never befall; others by provident care & the use of good means might in a great measure be prevented; & all of them, through the help of God, by fortitude & patience might either be borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not to he made & undertaken without good ground & reason, not rashly or lightly as many have done for curiosity or hope of gain, etc. But their condition was not ordinary, their ends were good & honourable, their calling lawful & urgent; & therefore they might expect the blessing of God in their proceeding. Yea, though they should lose their lives in this action, yet might they have comfort in the same & their endeavours would be honourable. They lived here but as men in exile & in a poor condition, & as great miseries might possibly befall them in this place; for the twelve years of truce were now out & there was nothing but beating of drums & preparing for war, the events whereof are always uncertain. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savages of America, & the famine & pestilence as sore here as there, & their liberty less to look out for remedy.


After many other particular things answered & alleged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the major part to put this design in execution & to prosecute it by the best means they could.


1 The twelve years' truce was signed on 30 March 1609, & therefore was due to end in 1621. Although war was then renewed, the Netherlands had powerful allies such as France, Sweden & several German States already engaged with Spain in the Thirty Years' War, at the end of which, in the Treaty of Westphalia (1648), Spain recognized the independence of the United Netherlands.


2 Ruth i.l4.


3 1t may seem strange that it should seem easier to emigrate to the American wilderness than to a Dutch city; but the Netherlands were overpopulated in relation to the economic system of that day, & the standard of living in the handicrafts, the only occupation open to English immigrants, was low.


4 Lamentations iii.27.


5 The Dutch, curiously enough, did not "remember the Sabbath Day to keep it holy" in the strict sense that other Calvinists did. Sunday after church was a day of feasting & merrymaking, especially for children. This was one of the conditions that the English community found most obnoxious.


6 Both Nathaniel Morton in New Englands Memoriall p. 3, & Edward Winslow in Hypocrisie Unmasked p.89 stressed the fear of the Pilgrims lest their children lose their language & nationality. And their fear of the Dutch "melting pot" was well taken; for the offspring of those English Puritans who did not emigrate to New England or return to England became completely amalgamated with the local population by 1660.


Chapter IX

OF THEIR VOYAGE, AND HOW THEY PASSED THE SEA; AND OF THEIR SAFE ARRIVAL AT CAPE COD


September 6. These troubles being blown over, & now all being compact together in one ship, they put to sea again with a prosperous wind, which continued divers days together, which was some encouragement unto them; yet, according to the usual manner, many were afflicted with seasickness. And I may not omit here a special work of God's providence. There was a proud & very profane young man, one of the seamen, of a lusty, able body, which made him the more haughty; he would alway be contemning the poor people in their sickness & cursing them daily with grievous execrations; & did not let to tell them that he hoped to help to cast half of them overboard before they came to their journey's end, & to make merry with what they had; & if he were by any gently reproved, he would curse & swear most bitterly. But it pleased God before they came half seas over, to smite this young man with a grievous disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, & so was himself the first that was thrown overboard. Thus his curses light on his own head, & it was an astonishment to all his fellows for they noted it to be the just hand of God upon him.


After they had enjoyed fair winds & weather for a season, they were encountered many times with cross winds & met with many fierce storms with which the ship was shroudly 1 shaken, & her upper works made very leaky; & one of the main beams in the midships was bowed & cracked, which put them in some fear that the ship could not be able to perform the voyage. So some of the chief of the company, perceiving the mariners to fear the sufficiency of the ship as appeared by their mutterings, they entered into serious consultation with the master & other officers of the ship, to consider in time of the danger, & rather to return than to cast themselves into a desperate & inevitable peril. And truly there was great distraction & difference of opinion amongst the mariners themselves; fain would they do what could be done for their wages' sake (being now near half the seas over) & on the other hand they were loath to hazard their lives too desperately. But in examining of all opinions, the master & others affirmed they knew the ship to be strong & firm under water; & for the buckling of the main beam, there was a great iron screw the passengers brought out of Holland, which would raise the beam into his place; the which being done, the carpenter & master affirmed that with a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck & otherways bound, he would make it sufficient. And as for the decks & upper works, they would caulk them as well as they could, & though with the working of the ship they would not long keep staunch, yet there would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her with sails. So they committed themselves to the will of God & resolved to proceed.


In sundry of these storms the winds were so fierce & the seas so high, as they could not bear a knot of sail, but were forced to hu11 2 for divers days together. And in one of them, as they thus lay at hull in a mighty storm, a lusty 3 young man called John Howland, coming upon some occasion above the gratings was, with a seele 4 of the ship, thrown into sea; but it pleased God that he caught hold of the topsail halyards which hung overboard & ran out at length. Yet he held his hold (though he was sundry fathoms under water) till he was hauled up by the same rope to the brim of the water, & then with a boat hook & other means got into the ship again & his life saved. And though he was something ill with it, yet he lived many years after & became a profitable member both in church & commonwealth. In all this voyage there died but one of the passengers, which was William Butten, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller, when they drew near the coast.


But to omit other things (that I may be brief) after long beating at sea they fell with that land which is called Cape Cod; 5 the which being made & certainly known to be it, they were not a little joyful. After some deliberation had amongst themselves & with the master of the ship, they tacked about & resolved to stand for the southward (the wind & weather being fair) to find some place about Hudson's River for their habitation. 6But after they had sailed that course about half the day, they fell among dangerous shoals & roaring breakers, & they were so far entangled therewith as they conceived themselves in great danger; & the wind shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the Cape & thought themselves happy to get out of those dangers before night overtook them, as by God's good providence they did. And the next day 7they got into the Cape Harbors where they rid in safety.


A word or two by the way of this cape. It was thus first 8 named by Captain Gosnold & his company, 9 Anno 1602, & after by Captain Smith was called Cape James; but it retains the former name amongst seamen. Also, that point which first showed those dangerous shoals unto them they called Point Care, & Tucker's Terrour; but the French & Dutch to this day call it Malabar by reason of those perilous shoals & the losses they have suffered there.


Being thus arrived in a good harbor, & brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees & blessed the God of Heaven 10 who had brought them over the vast & furious ocean, & delivered them from all the perils & miseries thereof, again to set their feet on the firm & stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel if they were thus joyful, seeing wise Seneca was so affected with sailing a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, as he affirmed, that he had rather remain twenty years on his way by land than pass by sea to any place in a short time, so tedious & dreadful was the same unto him. 11


But here I cannot but stay & make a pause, & stand half amazed at this poor people's present condition; & so I think will the reader, too, when he well considers the same. Being thus passed the vast ocean, & a sea of troubles before in their preparation (as may be remembered by that which went before), they had now no friends to welcome them nor inns to entertain or refresh their weatherbeaten bodies; no houses or much less town to repair to, to seek for succour. It is recorded in Scripture 12 as a mercy to the Apostle & his shipwrecked company, that the barbarians showed them no small kindness in refreshing them, but these savage barbarians, when they met with them (as after will appear) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows than otherwise. And for the season it was winter, & they that know the winters of that country know them to be sharp & violent, & subject-to cruel & fierce storms, dangerous to travel to known places, much more to search an unknown coast. Besides, what could they see but a hideous & desolate wilderness, fall of wild beasts & wild men—& what multitudes there might be of them they knew not. Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to feed their hopes; for which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to the heavens) they could have little solace or content in respect of any outward objects. For summer being done, all things stand upon them with a weatherbeaten face, & the whole country, full of woods & thickets, represented a wild & savage hue. If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had passed & was now as a main bar & gulf to separate them from all the civil parts of the world. If it be said they had a ship to succour them, it is true; but what heard they daily from the master & company? But that with speed they should look out a place (with their shallop) where they would be, at some near distance; for the season was such as he would not stir from thence till a safe harbor was discovered by them, where they would be, & he might go without danger; & that victuals consumed apace but he must & would keep sufficient for themselves & their return. Yea, it was muttered by some that if they got not a place in time, they would turn them & their goods ashore & leave them. Let it also be considered what weak hopes of supply & succour they left behind them, that might bear up their minds in this sad condition & trials they were under; & they could not but be very small. It is true, indeed, the affections & love of their brethren at Leyden was cordial & entire towards them, but they had little power to help them or themselves; & how the case stood between them & the merchants at their coming away hath already been declared.


What could now sustain them but the Spirit of God & His grace? May not & ought not the children of these fathers rightly say: "Our fathers were Englishmen which came over this great ocean, & were ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, & He heard their voice & looked on their adversity," 13 etc. "Let them therefore praise the Lord, because He is good: & His mercies endure forever." "Yea, let them which have been redeemed of the Lord, shew how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered in the desert wilderness out of the way, & found no city to dwell in, both hungry & thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord His loving kindness & His wonderful works before the sons of men." 14


1 An old form of shrewdly in its original meaning wickedly.


2 To heave or lay-to under very short sail & drift with the wind.


3 Lively, merry; no sexual connotation. Howland, a servant of Governor Carver, rose to be one of the leading men of the Colony.


4 Roll or pitch.


5 At daybreak 9/19 Nov. 1620, they sighted the Highlands of Cape Cod.


6 This is the only direct statement in the History as to whither the Mayflower was bound. I see no reason to doubt its accuracy. It is borne out by Bradford's own journal in Mourt's Relation (see chap. x note 2, below): "We made our course south-southwest, purposing to go to a river ten leagues to the south of the Cape, but at night the wind being contrary, we put round again for the Bay of Cape Cod." Although the mouth of the Hudson is nearer 15 than 10 1eagues youth of the Cape in latitude, the Pilgrims' knowledge of New England geography was far from exact, & the Hudson was doubtless meant.


7 Nov. 11/21, 1620. Thug the Mayflower's passage from Plymouth took 65 days.


8 Now Provincetown Harbor.


9 Because they took much of that fish there (Bradford).


10 Daniel ii.l9.


11 Epistle 53 (Bradford). The sentence is in Seneca ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales liii $5: Et ego quocumque navigare debuero, vicesimo anno pervenium.


12 Acts xxviii (Bradford); verse2.


13 Deuteronomy xxvi. 5, 7 (Bradford).


14 Psalm cvii.1-5, 8 (Bradford)

Friday, December 7, 2018

1614 United Netherlands General Charter for Those who Discover Any New Passages, Havens, Countries, or Places

Portrait of Gerard Reynst, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies

The States-General of the United Netherlands, to all those who shall see these presents or hear them read, greeting. March 27, 1614

Be it known, whereas we understand it would be honorable, serviceable, and profitable to this country and for the promotion of its prosperity, as well as for the maintenance of seafaring people, that the good inhabitants should be excited and encouraged to employ and occupy themselves in seeking out and discovering passages, havens, countries, and places that have not before now been discovered nor frequented; and being informed by some traders that they intend, with God’s merciful help, by diligence, labor, danger, and expense, to employ themselves thereat, as they expect to derive a handsome profit therefrom if it pleased us to privilege, charter, and favor them that they alone might resort and sail to and frequent the passages, havens, countries, and places to be by them newly found and discovered for six voyages as a compensation for their outlays, trouble and risk, with interdiction to all, directly or indirectly to resort or sail to or frequent the said passages, havens, countries, or places before and until the first discoverers and finders thereof shall have completed the aforesaid six voyages. Therefore, we, having duly weighed the aforesaid matter and finding, as hereinbefore stated, the said undertaking to be laudable, honorable, and serviceable for the prosperity of the united provinces and wishing that the experiment be free and open to all and every of the inhabitants of this country, have invited and do hereby invite all and every of the inhabitants of the United Netherlands to the aforesaid search, and, therefore, have granted and consented, grant and consent hereby that whosoever any new passages, havens, countries, or places shall from now henceforward discover, shall alone resort to the same or cause them to be frequented for four voyages, without any other person directly or indirectly sailing, frequenting or resorting from the United Netherlands to the said newly discovered and found passages, havens, countries, or places until the first discoverer and finder shall have made or cause to be made the said four voyages, on pain of confiscation of the goods and ships wherewith the contrary attempt shall be made, and a fine of fifty thousand Netherlands ducats to the profit of the aforesaid finder or discoverer. Well understanding that the discoverer, on completion of the first voyage, shall be beholden, within fourteen days after his return from said voyage, to render unto us a pertinent report of the aforesaid discoveries and adventures, in order on hearing thereof we may adjudge and declare according to circumstances and distance within what time the aforesaid four voyages must be completed. Provided, that we do not understand to prejudice hereby or in any way to diminish our former charters and concessions. And if one or more companies find and discover, in or about one time or one year, such new passages, countries, havens, or places, the same shall conjointly enjoy this our grant and privilege; and in case any differences or questions concerning these or otherwise should arise or occur from this our concessions, the same shall be decided by us, whereby each shall have to regulate himself. And in order that this our concession shall be made known equally to all, we have ordered that these be published and affixed at the usual places in the united countries.

Thursday, December 6, 2018

Women in 17C New England

In 17C New England, women usually arrived with family members to band together in cooperative religious communities organized for the collective good including shared economic goals. Almost immediately, their healthier living conditions allowed for reproduction by natural increase.
Intact family units let New England families adapt to their new world more easily. The New England family often planted just enough to sustain themselves within their community, unlike the profit driven Chesapeake family desperately trying to produce as much as possible.  Most men in 17C New England viewed themselves as a members of a family group in which he had rights as well as obligations. Usually husbands & wives worked together for the good of their immediate & extended family and for the good of their community. Men spent most of their time working within with an extended family which sought interdependence with their wider community.  In early New England, both men & women believed that individuals and family should be subordinated to the demands of the greater community.
The 1st thing a woman might notice about her "new" homeland would be the rocky ground she had landed on.  In New England, the heavily glaciated soil was strewn with countless stones, many of which were forced to the surface after one of the never-ending winter freezes.  In a sense the Puritans did not possess the soil; it possessed them by shaping their character & scratching a living from the protesting earth was an early American success story; back-bending toil put a premium on industry & penny-pinching frugality. The grudging land also left colonial New England less ethnically mixed than its southern neighbors. Climate likewise molded New England, where the summers were often uncomfortably hot & winters were cruelly cold. Yet the soil & climate of New England eventually encouraged a diversified agriculture & industry; staple products like tobacco did not flourish, as in the South; black slavery could not exist profitably on small farms, especially where the surest early 17C crop was stones. No broad, fertile hinterland, unlike that of the South, beckoned people inland; the mountains ran fairly close to the shore, & the rivers were generally short with rapid waters.

The Native Americans had left an early imprint on the New England earth; they traditionally beat trials through the woods as they migrated seasonally for hunting & fishing. They periodically burned the woodlands to restore leafy 1st-growth forests to sustain the deer population. The Indians recognized the right to use the land, but the concept of exclusive, individual ownership of the land was not known to them. The English settlers had a different philosophy; they condemned the Indians for “wasting” the earth by underutilizing its bounty & used this logic to justify their own expropriation of the land from the natives. Some greatest changes resulted from the introduction of livestock. The English brought pigs, horses, sheep, & cattle from Europe to settlements & because the growing herds need more pastures, the colonists were continually clearing forests. Repelled by the rocks, the hardy New Englanders turned instinctively to their fine natural harbors; hacking timber from their dense forests they became experts in shipbuilding & commerce; they also ceaselessly exploited the self-perpetuating codfish lode off the coast. The combination of Calvinism, soil, & climate in New England made for purposefulness, stubbornness, self-reliance & resourcefulness.
The overwhelming majority of colonists were farmers; they planted in the spring, tended their crops in the summer, harvested in the fall, & prepared in the winter to begin the cycle all over again. They usually rose at dawn & went to bad at dusk; chores might be performed after nightfall, if they were ”worth the candle.”
Women, slave or free, on southern plantations or New England farms, wove, cooked, cleaned, & taught & cared for children.  Men cleared land, fenced, planted, & cropped it, cut firewood, & butchered livestock; children helped with all these tasks. Life was humble but comfortable by contemporary standards. Compared to most 17C Europeans, Americans lived in relative abundance; land was relatively cheap & more money for jobs.  Most white migrants who could afford to travel to early colonial New England came from the middle; not aristocracy nor the dregs of European society.